Potsdam conference took place in Potsdam at the Cecilienhof Palace from July 17 to August 2, 1945 with the participation of the leadership of the three largest powers of the Anti-Hitler coalition in World War II in order to determine further steps for the post-war structure of Europe. The Potsdam meeting was the last for the leaders of the Big Three, Stalin, Truman and Churchill (who was replaced by K. Attlee in recent days).
The Potsdam conference considered issues related to the peaceful post-war order in Europe, including the question of the procedure for signing peace treaties with former enemy states. It was decided to establish the Council of Foreign Ministers (CFM) "to carry out the necessary preparatory work for a peaceful settlement" and to discuss other issues that, by agreement between the governments participating in the Council, could be referred to the Council from time to time.
The foreign ministers of Britain, the USSR, the USA, France and China became members of the Security Council. The main task of the Council was to draw up peace treaties for Italy, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland. In addition, the Council was charged with the task of preparing a "peace settlement for Germany."
The main place in the work of the conference was occupied by the German question.
Political and economic principles acceptable in dealing with Germany were discussed at the conference. The project was presented by the American delegation. During the Potsdam Conference, an Agreement on Additional Requirements for Germany was prepared, facilitating the coordination of political and economic principles for dealing with Germany in the initial - control period.
The governments participating in the Potsdam conference agreed that the basic principles with regard to Germany should provide for the implementation of the most important measures for the demilitarization, democratization and denazification of Germany.
The decisions of the conference emphasized that "in occupation Germany should be considered as a whole", that "all democratic and political parties should be allowed and encouraged throughout Germany."
The Allies proclaimed that they "do not intend to destroy" the German people, that they "intend to enable the German people to prepare themselves for the future reconstruction of their lives on a democratic and peaceful basis."
It was decided to punish the Nazi criminals by handing them over to the International Tribunal. Germany pledged to pay reparations and was divided into four zones of occupation - Soviet, American, British and French.
The decisions of the allied powers on territorial issues were of great importance for the postwar development of Europe. The Nazis redrawn the map of the continent. It was necessary to restore the trampled injustice.
Of course, the coordination of the positions of the three powers on the issues of the post-war world could not but face certain difficulties. However, despite the contradictions, disagreements, different approaches to the problems being solved, the allies found a common language, seeing extensive correspondence between themselves, organizing meetings of foreign ministers, personal representatives of heads of state, through diplomatic channels. The most important place in this process was occupied by the personal meetings of the leaders of the three allied powers.
But for the sake of justice, and in our days, it is advisable not to forget about the reasons for the contradictions between the USSR and the Western allies during the war. The Cold War is a hard lesson for humanity.
August 1, 1945 The Potsdam Conference ended with the signing by the leaders of the USSR, USA, England of the Protocol and the Communication on the Potsdam Conference of the Three Powers.
Solutions:
By the decision of the Potsdam Conference, Prussia was liquidated as a state entity. East Prussia was divided between the Soviet Union and Poland. The Soviet Union, together with the capital Königsberg (which was renamed Kaliningrad in 1946), included one third of East Prussia, on whose territory the Kaliningrad region of the RSFSR was created. A small part, which included a part of the Curonian Spit and the city of Klaipeda (Klaipeda region, so-called. "Memel sector"), was transferred in 1950 to the Lithuanian SSR.
The burning issue discussed during the conference was the problem of the division of the surviving German military-merchant fleet, the problem of reparations and the fate of Nazi war criminals. On reparations, it was decided that each of the parties would receive them from its zone of occupation, in addition, the USSR was forced to find itself from German assets and gold in foreign banks. The parties determined the principles of demilitarization and denazification of Germany.
The northern and western borders of Poland were re-drawn along the Oder and Neisse rivers. According to the official protocol of the conference, the Potsdam Agreement set out the goal of preserving the unity of Germany. However, many decisions became invalid, the country was divided when the conflict between East and West led to a split of the allies.
At the Potsdam Conference I.V. Stalin reaffirmed his commitment to declare war on Japan no later than three months after Germany's surrender. The Allies also signed the Potsdam Declaration, which demanded Japan's unconditional surrender.
On the final day of the conference, the heads of delegations made fundamental decisions on the settlement of post-war issues, approved on August 7, 1945 with certain reservations by France, which was not invited to the conference.
The official "Communication on the Berlin Conference of the Three Powers" of August 2, on the outcome of the conference, said that "President Truman, Generalissimo Stalin and Prime Minister Attlee are leaving this conference, which has strengthened the ties between the three governments and expanded the framework of their cooperation and understanding with renewed confidence. that their Governments and peoples, together with the other United Nations, will bring about a just and lasting peace of peace.
Despite all the difficulties in the work of the conference, it ended with the triumph of realism.
But already before the start of the conference, on July 16, 1945, the first test of the atomic bomb was carried out. After the American delegation received this message, Truman said: "We now have weapons that not only revolutionized military affairs, but can change the course of history and civilization." Under the strictest secrecy, Churchill was informed of this, who was indescribable delight: "Now the West has a means that restored the balance of power with Russia," and began to push the American delegation to take a tougher position, using information about the atomic bomb tests "as an argument in their favor in the negotiations ”.
According to American sources and Churchill's memoirs, Truman, informing the Soviet delegation about the testing of new weapons, did not even mention the word "atomic" or "nuclear". Stalin listened calmly to the message, which disappointed both Churchill and Truman.
Marshal of the Soviet Union G.K. Zhukov recalls: "... after returning from the meeting, Stalin told Molotov about the conversation in my presence." Molotov said: "They are filling the price for themselves." Stalin laughed: "Let them stuff." It will be necessary to talk with Kurchatov about speeding up our work. " "I understood," Zhukov wrote, that it was about an atomic bomb. "
Thus, the Potsdam Conference became the first high-level conference at which, in fact, the debut of nuclear weapons as a political factor in international relations took place. The era of nuclear diplomacy has begun, and this should not be forgotten, because it will continue today, but with the use of new, more sophisticated technologies.
Berlin Conference 1945 Berlin Conference 1945
(Potsdam Conference) (July 17 - August 2, Potsdam) of the heads of government of the main powers - the victors in World War II: the USSR (J.V. Stalin), the USA (G. Truman) and Great Britain (W. Churchill, from July 28 K Attlee). Made a decision on the demilitarization and denazification of Germany, the destruction of the German monopolies, on reparations, on the western border of Poland; confirmed the transfer of the city of Königsberg and the adjacent area to the USSR, etc.
BERLIN CONFERENCE 1945BERLIN CONFERENCE 1945 (Potsdam Conference) (July 17 - August 2, Potsdam) of the heads of representations of the main powers - victors in World War II: USSR (I. V. Stalin (cm. Stalin Joseph Vissarionovich)), USA (G. Truman (cm. TRUMAN Harry)) and Great Britain (W. Churchill (cm. CHURCHILL Winston Leonard Spencer), from 28 July K. Attlee (cm. ATTLEY Clement Richard)). Made a decision on the demilitarization and denazification of Germany, the destruction of the German monopolies, on reparations, on the western border of Poland; confirmed the transfer of the city of Konigsberg and the adjacent area to the USSR, etc.
* * *
BERLIN (POTSDAM) CONFERENCE 1945, held from July 17 to August 2 at the Cecilienhof Palace in Potsdam (cm. POTSDAM), near Berlin. The heads of the victorious countries in the Second World War - JV Stalin (USSR), W. Churchill (after the change of the Conservative government in Great Britain to Labor - K. Attlee), G. Truman (USA) took part.
At the very beginning of the Berlin Conference, the American project was approved for the creation of the Council of Foreign Ministers of Great Britain, USSR, China, France and the United States, that is, five states - permanent members of the UN Security Council (cm. UN SECURITY COUNCIL).
The central place in the negotiations was occupied by the German problem. A decision was made on the complete disarmament and demilitarization of Germany, the abolition of all its armed forces, the SS, SA, SD and Gestapo, and the elimination of the war industry. At the same time, the reconstruction of the political life of Germany on a democratic basis was envisaged. In Potsdam, in contrast to the Crimean (Yalta) Conference of 1945 (cm. CRIMEAN CONFERENCE), the question of the dismemberment of Germany was not considered. The decisions of the Berlin Conference stated that the Allied Powers "do not intend to destroy or plunge the German people into slavery."
Disagreements arose when discussing the question of reparations. However, the USSR and the USA managed to work out a compromise solution, according to which the Soviet Union received reparations from its zone of occupation and at the expense of German investments abroad (as well as an additional 25% of industrial equipment from the western zones).
On the question of the Polish-German border, Stalin's proposal (the border along the Oder-Neisse) was accepted, although Churchill strongly opposed the expansion of Poland to the west. Danzig (Gdansk) and most of East Prussia also withdrew to Poland. Konigsberg (since 1946 Kaliningrad) with the adjacent area was transferred to the USSR. Serious friction arose when discussing the topic of a peace settlement with some of Germany's former allies.
The Soviet side reaffirmed its commitment to the participation of the USSR in the war against Japan (the USSR entered the war on August 9, 1945).
The decisions of the Berlin Conference had mixed consequences. On the one hand, the spheres of influence were divided between the USSR and the Western powers, on the other, the conference drew a line under the six-year period of the world war. Although the anti-Hitler coalition (cm. ANTIGITLER COALITION) lived out its last days and there were hidden cracks in relations between its participants, in Potsdam the three powers were able to come to an agreement on many issues of the post-war system. However, in the future, the cooperation of these powers gave way to the "cold war".
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The Potsdam Conference (July 17 August 2, Potsdam) of the heads of the representations of the main victorious powers in World War II: the USSR (J.V. Stalin), the USA (G. Truman) and Great Britain (W. Churchill, from July 28 K. Attlee) ... Made a decision about ... ... Political science. Vocabulary.
Berlin Conference 1945- (Potsdam Conference) (July 17, August 2, Potsdam), heads of government of the main victorious powers in World War II: the USSR (I.V. Stalin), the USA (G. Truman) and Great Britain (W. Churchill, from July 28 K. Attlee). Made a decision on demilitarization ... Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary
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At the very beginning of the Potsdam Conference, President Truman proposed the creation of a Council of Foreign Ministers of the five great powers (including France and China), which would deal with peace negotiations and issues of territorial settlement. The proposal was accepted, and a meeting of the Council was scheduled for September 1 in London.
British Prime Minister Churchill said: “Germany is over, although it will take us some time to clear the landfill. The real problem now is Russia, but I can't get the Americans to understand that. "
The decisions of the Potsdam conference had mixed consequences. On the one hand, the spheres of influence were divided between the USSR and the Western powers, on the other, the conference drew a line under the six-year period of World War II. Nevertheless, although the anti-Hitler coalition was living out its last days and there were already hidden cracks in relations between its members, in Potsdam the three powers were able to come to an agreement on many issues of the post-war arrangement.
The heads of the representations of the main powers - the victors in World War II was held from July 17 to August 2, 1945 at the Cecilienhof Palace in Potsdam - a suburb of Berlin. The conference consolidated the victory of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition over Nazi Germany and discussed the problems of the post-war structure of Europe.
The Soviet delegation was headed by the chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR Joseph Stalin, the American - by President Harry Truman, the British - first by Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and since July 28, after the change of the Conservative government in Great Britain to Labor, by Clement Attlee.
At the very beginning of the Berlin Conference, the American project was approved for the creation of the Council of Foreign Ministers of Great Britain, USSR, China, France and the United States - five states, permanent members of the UN Security Council.
An agreement was signed on the political and economic principles of a coordinated policy towards Germany during the period of union control over it in order to fulfill the declaration on Germany adopted by the Crimean Conference.
The central place in the negotiations was occupied by the German problem. A decision was made on the complete disarmament and demilitarization of Germany, the abolition of all its armed forces, the SS, SA, SD and Gestapo, and the elimination of the war industry.
The political principles of the agreement also provided for the destruction of the National Socialist Party, its affiliates and controlled organizations, the abolition of all Nazi laws and the prosecution of all war criminals.
At the same time, the reconstruction of the political life of Germany on a democratic basis was envisaged. In Potsdam, unlike the Crimean (Yalta) Conference of 1945, the question of the dismemberment of Germany was not considered. The decisions of the Potsdam conference stated that the allied powers "do not intend to destroy or plunge the German people into slavery."
The conference also provided for the reorganization of the judicial system on the basis of legality and equality of all citizens without distinction of race, nationality or religion; restoration of local self-government on a democratic basis throughout Germany and the creation of all-German economic departments, which were to serve as the basis for the formation of an all-German democratic government.
Disagreements arose when discussing the issue of reparations - the compensation by the defeated state, through whose fault the war arose, the losses incurred by the victorious states. However, the USSR and the USA managed to work out a compromise solution, according to which the Soviet Union received reparations from its zone of occupation and at the expense of German investments abroad (as well as an additional 25% of industrial equipment from the western zones).
The most belligerent part of Germany, East Prussia, was eliminated. Its lands were divided between the Soviet Union and Poland.
Stalin's proposal for a Polish-German border along the Oder and Neisse rivers was accepted, although Churchill strongly opposed Poland's westward expansion. Danzig (Gdansk) and most of East Prussia also withdrew to Poland. Konigsberg (since 1946 - Kaliningrad) with the adjacent area was transferred to the USSR.
The Potsdam Conference also adopted decisions on the orderly movement of the German population from Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary.
Serious friction arose when discussing the topic of a peace settlement with some of Germany's former allies. The Soviet side reaffirmed its commitment to the participation of the USSR in the war against Japan (the USSR entered the war on August 9, 1945).
The decisions of the Potsdam conference were aimed at a democratic settlement of post-war problems and for more than 40 years were the foundation of the territorial and political structure on the European continent.
The material was prepared on the basis of information from RIA Novosti and open sources
Cecilienhof Palace - venue of the Potsdam Conference
The Berlin (Potsdam) conference of the leaders of the three allied powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, held on July 17 - August 2, 1945, occupies a special place in world history. The Potsdam conference (codenamed "Terminal") was a meeting of the victors over Nazi Germany and its allies. The leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition - I.V. Stalin, H. Truman, W. Churchill and C. Attlee, who replaced the British Prime Minister during the conference, gathered in the suburbs of the capital of the defeated Third Reich to lay the foundations of the post-war world.
At the Potsdam Conference in 1945
Over the 70 years that have passed since its holding, a fair number of myths and legends have arisen around the Potsdam meeting, bearing the imprint of disappointments and unfulfilled hopes of peoples for a peaceful post-war future. The existing differences in inter-allied relations naturally intensified towards the end of the war, when it was time to share the fruits of a common victory, and then grew into an irreconcilable split between them and, after a comradeship in arms in the ranks of the grand coalition, they were thrown on different sides of the barricades.
Despite gloomy forecasts in some quarters in the West, the general mood in official Washington and London was cautiously optimistic. Among the general public and in print, it was even more hopeful and enthusiastic. The exceptional courage and heavy sacrifices of the Soviet people in the war against Hitler generated a powerful wave of sympathy for their country, which in the second half of 1945 swept over many critics of the Soviet system and its methods. At all levels, there was a wide and ardent desire for cooperation and mutual understanding.
1945 Potsdam. Meeting of the Big Three. K. Attlee, G. Truman, I. V. Stalin.
However, despite the prevailing public sentiment, cooperation between yesterday's allies grew into open confrontation, which caused a political need in the West to adjust the view of the Potsdam conference and the history of the anti-Hitler coalition as a whole. In this regard, the alliance of the USSR, the USA and Great Britain began to be portrayed as "unnatural", "anomalous" and "accidental", and the Potsdam conference itself as a forum that heralded the beginning of the Cold War. In the Soviet Union, the origin of the Cold War was seen as the desire of the United States and its new allies to dominate the world at the expense of the interests of the USSR and "other freedom-loving peoples", which was rebuffed from the Soviet side at the Potsdam Conference.
In fact, there was a clash of the two largest geopolitical models of the post-war reconstruction of the world between the main winners in World War II, painted in ideological tones, who in Potsdam managed to find an acceptable, however, temporary compromise, outlined in Yalta.
British Prime Minister Clement Attlee, US President Harry Truman and USSR Prime Minister Joseph Stalin at the 1945 Potsdam Conference
The venue for the Potsdam conference, in contrast to the Yalta, was determined without serious disputes between the allies. In Moscow, the organization of a meeting in Berlin liberated by Soviet troops in the Soviet zone of occupation was seen as a recognition of the merits and contribution of the Soviet Union and its army to the defeat of fascism and the liberation of the peoples of Europe from Nazi tyranny. Since Berlin was badly destroyed, the choice, most likely for technical reasons, fell on the ancient Potsdam located nearby, where the Cecilienhof Palace is well preserved. The choice of Potsdam also had a deeply symbolic meaning. In the very center of Potsdam, on March 21, 1933, Field Marshal and Reich President O. von Hindenburg sealed the appointment of A. Hitler as Chancellor of Germany with a handshake. From that moment on, the time for the Germans was uncontrollably going to a national catastrophe. In Potsdam, the tragic circle of history has closed.
The Soviet delegation had to solve a difficult task: to consolidate the results of the war, preserve the fruits of victory and at the same time prevent a split between the allies in order to continue cooperation with them in the post-war period in the interests of the security of the Soviet Union, the restoration of its economy and international stability. The Soviet state, exhausted by the war, needed the prospect of a lasting peace for the foreseeable future in order to focus on solving internal problems.
Soviet goals in the negotiations organically flowed from all the previous experience of the USSR and pre-revolutionary Russia and were more geopolitical, pragmatic than ideological in nature. In practice, this meant strengthening the territorial security of the Soviet state, consolidating new borders in Europe and the Far East in favor of the USSR, eliminating the cordon sanitaire and turning neighboring states into reliable neighbors and allies of the Soviet Union.
Russian historiography established the thesis that at the stage of the liberation of Eastern Europe and the first post-war months, the Soviet side was not talking about "Sovietization" or "socialization" of the liberated states, but the task of supporting friendly regimes of the left and antifascist persuasion in these countries. The issues of the political nature of the power of the liberated states were touched upon in the most general terms, so as not to revive the pre-war fears in the West caused by the "world communist revolution", and the emphasis was placed on their foreign policy orientation and relations with the Soviet Union. The tone of the Soviet leadership and its rhetoric were more general democratic, pacifist and anti-fascist than class-irreconcilable and militant ideological.
Announcement of the Berlin (Potsdam) Conference of the Three Powers, August 2, 1945
The central place in the course of the talks was occupied by the issues of European settlement, primarily the German one. The political conditions for dealing with Germany in the post-war period, the famous four "D's" - democratization, demilitarization, denazification and decartelization, were easily agreed upon between the conference participants.
Of great importance for the fate of Europe and the whole world was the agreement reached that German militarism and Nazism would be eradicated and other measures were taken in the future so that Germany would never again threaten its neighbors or the preservation of world peace. The goal was agreed upon "the final reconstruction of German political life on a democratic basis."
Serious disagreements emerged when they turned to discussing the situation in the liberated states. The American president demanded "an immediate reorganization of the current governments of Romania and Bulgaria" as a condition for establishing diplomatic relations with them and the subsequent conclusion of peace treaties. At the same time, Truman considered it possible to show a special disposition towards Italy and offer to support her in the issue of joining the newly created United Nations Organization. The American delegation proposed signing two separate documents with recommendations on Italy and other satellite countries of Germany, while the Soviet side advocated a single document. The British, in turn, motivated their own unwillingness to establish diplomatic relations and agree with the entry of Romania and Bulgaria into the UN by the fact that the governments of these countries represented the "communist minority".
It looked like open pressure from the West on the countries of Eastern Europe, and using for this purpose the issue of their international recognition was tantamount to denying them legitimacy. In response to this ultimatum, JV Stalin blocked the issue of legitimizing the situation in Italy, depriving her of support for joining the UN, and flatly refused to join the American draft resolution.
Ultimately, the participants managed to find a diplomatic formula, which, despite its vagueness, still did not allow open discrimination of these countries. The minutes of the conference stated that the governments of the three powers, “each individually, agree to study in the near future, in the light of the conditions that will then exist, the question of establishing, to the extent possible, diplomatic relations with Finland, Romania, Bulgaria and Hungary prior to the conclusion of peace treaties. with these countries. "
This agreement left the ground for further struggle for the countries of Eastern Europe in the course of preparing for the signing of peace treaties with them.
The development of these treaties was to be dealt with by the Council of Foreign Ministers (CFM) of the five powers created by the decision of the conference: the USSR, the USA, Great Britain, France and China.
No less acute in Potsdam was the discussion of the Polish question, which during the war years most fully contained the inter-allied contradictions over the post-war world order. The political situation in Poland, the coming to power there of pro-Soviet forces did not
arranged by London and Washington. However, without abandoning the struggle for Poland, under the pressure of circumstances, they had to agree to the recognition of the Polish provisional government with an expanded composition on the basis of the "Yalta formula" and terminate relations with the Polish government of T. Artsiszewski in London. The Americans and the British pinned their hopes for strengthening the positions of their supporters in Poland with the upcoming elections in Poland.
In this regard, the question of securing the new western border of Poland, which was only in general terms agreed upon by the allies in the Crimea, acquired great importance in Potsdam. In fact, it was about the sovereignty and statehood of Poland, which was reviving after the Nazi occupation in new territorial boundaries. For the Soviet Union, it was also a question of its territorial security, connected with the post-war peace in Europe and the creation of strong guarantees against new aggression from outside.
Germany. The new western border was seen by the Allies as a big step towards post-war Poland.
The US President initially proposed postponing the recognition of the Polish-German border along the Oder-Neisse until a peace conference, which contradicted the decision agreed in Yalta with his predecessor to move the Polish western border by increasing Polish territory in the north and west. He motivated his refusal by the fact that this would infringe on the interests of Germany, deprive her of a quarter of arable land and coal resources, and thereby prevent her from paying reparations. Churchill turned out to be even more categorical, declaring during the meeting on July 21, 1945: "I believe that the Poles have no right to take this part of Germany for themselves."
JV Stalin's reaction was legally balanced and was based on the decisions reached in Yalta on Poland and the concrete state of affairs that developed as a result of the offensive operations of the Red Army, which entailed a massive exodus of the German population from this territory into the interior of Germany. In addition, he suggested inviting the Polish government delegation to Potsdam to find out its opinion, in order to observe democratic decency and to ask the opinion of interested persons, and not to act behind their back.
Ultimately, the issue was resolved on a compromise basis in favor of the Poles. Although the final decision was postponed until a peaceful settlement, the conference minutes clearly indicated that the former German lands to the east of the Oder-West Neisse river line were transferred under the control of the Polish state.
The Potsdam Conference, more than the other Big Three summits, was marked by tough diplomatic bargaining, on both large and small issues. There was a struggle on literally every item on the agenda. The American delegation widely practiced the tactic of package agreements or linking together sometimes unrelated problems in order to bargain for the best conditions for the United States.
The main means of pressure on the Soviet Union and obtaining substantial concessions from it was the reparations issue, which was of important interest to the war-depleted Soviet economy. If in Crimea F. Roosevelt went to meet the interests of the USSR and agreed to accept the figure of 20 billion dollars as the basis for collecting reparations from Germany, of which 10 billion would have been owed to the Soviet Union, then W. Churchill refused to do so. In Potsdam, H. Truman departed from the obligations assumed by his predecessor.
The reparation problem was central, but not the only one. Together with it, other economic issues demanded solutions: German gold, assets, securities and investments abroad, the German military and merchant fleet. For the sake of receiving German reparations, above all the industrial equipment that the country needed so much, the Soviet side refused to receive German assets, investments, securities in the western zones of occupation, as well as from the so-called German gold plundered from all over Europe. The minutes of the conference stated that the reparations claims of the Soviet Union would be satisfied by withdrawals from the zone of Germany occupied by the USSR and from the corresponding German investments abroad. At the same time, the specific amount of reparations was omitted at the insistence of the Western powers. In addition, the Soviet Union was entitled to an additional 15% of equipment from the western zones on account of the equivalent in value of deliveries of agricultural and raw materials from its zone and 10% of equipment from the western zones without any payment or reimbursement.
Part of the solution to the question of the captured German booty was also the question of the German military and merchant fleet. Here JV Stalin did not intend to concede and persistently strove for the Soviet Union to obtain his legal share. The fleet was divided equally, as stated in the signed protocol, "between the USSR, the United Kingdom and the United States" no later than February 15, 1946.
Participants of the Potsdam Conference. In the photo 2nd from left - First Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky, 4th from left - US Ambassador to the USSR Averell Harriman, 5th from left - People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the USSR Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov, 6th from left - Minister of Foreign Affairs Great Britain Anthony Eden, 7th left - US Secretary of State Edward Stettinius, 8th left - British Deputy Foreign Secretary Alexander Cadogan
Western partners reacted positively to a number of territorial issues that worried Soviet leaders outside their zone of direct influence. It was, for example, about changing the unfavorable status of the Black Sea straits for the USSR and obtaining the right to have a military base there, about restoring the rights lost by Russia as a result of the First World War to some territories in the Caucasus (Tao-Klarjetiya - Georgian Lazistan and the Kara region), about obtaining The USSR had its share of the colonial inheritance, in particular the claim on the management of the Italian colonies declared from the Soviet side, and about many other things.
When negotiating with the allies, the Soviet leadership also proceeded from the fact that the USSR was becoming a great power after the war, thus, its fleet was interested in entering the Mediterranean Sea and the World Ocean. In this regard, it became necessary to revise the Montreux Convention on the regime of the straits, which doomed the Soviet Black Sea fleet to a position dependent on Turkey, as well as to receive a Soviet military base in the Bosporus and Dardanelles. The Americans took an unexpected move, proposing to I.V. Stalin to combine the problem of the straits with the question of international inland waterways. The idea was to declare navigation on the Danube and Rhine completely free in the spirit of a new edition of the doctrine of "open doors" for Europe, as was done in the 19th century. against China under the slogans of "free trade" and "equal opportunities."
As a result, the entire new geopolitical structure being built by Soviet diplomacy was cracking. The balance of interests was upset. JV Stalin came to the conclusion that it would not be possible to reach an agreement on the straits, "since our views are very different." All subsequent persistent attempts by the Americans to return to the discussion of the document they presented on "free and unrestricted navigation along international internal routes" were unsuccessful.
Finally, the issue of joining the USSR with a part of East Prussia with the city of Königsberg, agreed upon in the Crimea, was finally resolved.
In Potsdam, the topic of a fair trial of Nazi criminals was also raised, since in parallel between the three powers there was intensive preparation for the work of the International Military Tribunal on the leaders of Nazi Germany in Nuremberg. JV Stalin proposed to publish the first list of German war criminals brought to trial not later than in a month.
The question of the speedy return of Soviet prisoners of war home in Potsdam was raised by the Soviet delegation in connection with the existing facts of obstruction of this by the Allied authorities. In addition to the problem of prisoners of war from the Soviet side, during the penultimate meeting of the Big Three on August 1, 1945, the question of the hostile activities of the White emigres and other persons and organizations in the American and British zones of occupation in Germany and Austria was raised.
During the Potsdam Conference, the USSR reaffirmed its commitment to declare war on Japan no later than three months after Germany's surrender.
The Potsdam Conference drew a line under the six-year period of World War II and marked the historic line between war and peace. At the same time, it reflected the new situation that arose in the world as a result of the victory of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition over the bloc of aggressor states. At the cost of millions of human lives and colossal destruction, some global contradictions were resolved, while others were just beginning to assert themselves in connection with the change in the geopolitical map of the world, its new redistribution and the clash of interests between the winners in World War II.
In general, the participants in the Potsdam conference managed to soften the emerging disagreements for a while and prevent an open gap between themselves. Since ideological factors have not yet made themselves known openly, it was difficult to determine the true extent and depth of these differences. The parties preferred to negotiate where it was possible, showed a certain tolerance and flexibility, understanding each other's interests and put off difficult questions for later.
If there was no need to talk about the “atmosphere of one big family,” as Roosevelt put it in Crimea, then there was no open hostility or belligerence that became the hallmarks of the Cold War.
A. Prokhorovskaya,
Senior Researcher
Research Institute of Military History
Military Academy of the General Staff of the RF Armed Forces,
Candidate of Historical Sciences